The handloom weavers of Gujarat, Maharastra and Bengal produced and exported some of the world's most desirable fabrics. In spite of them, however, sociologists and social anthropologists have not filled adequately the void left by the disappearance of caste from the census and the gazetteer. The point is that there was nothing like the endogamous unit but there were only several units of various orders with defined roles in endogamy. These marriage links do not seem to have allowed, among the Kolis, formation of well organized, small, endogamous units (ekadas, gols) as were found among some other castes. I will not discuss the present situation in detail but indicate briefly how the above discussion could be useful for understanding a few important changes in modern times. In any case, castes are not likely to cease to be castes in the consciousness of people in the foreseeable future. Gujarat (along with Bombay) has perhaps the largest number of caste associations and they are also more active and wealthy compared to those in other regions. The three trading castes of Vania, Lohana and Bhatia were mainly urban. It is not claimed that separation, or even repulsion, may not be present somewhere as an independent factor (1972: 346,n.55b). Although some of them set up shops in villages they rarely became full-fledged members of the village community. Another major factor in the growth of urban centres in Gujarat was political. There would be a wide measure of agreement with him on both these counts. The significant point, however, is that there were small endogamous units which were not, like ekdas and tads, part of any higher-order division. For example, just as there was a Shrimali division among Sonis (goldsmiths). All Brahman divisions did not, however, have a corresponding Vania division. Let me illustrate briefly. The humble Charkha (spinning wheel) and khadi became a dominant symbol of self-reliance, self-determination and nationalist pride. The decline was further accelerated by the industrial revolution. The main occupation of Vankars was the weaving of cloth. There was another kind of ambiguity about the Brahman status or two other divisionsKayatia and Tapodhan. 2 0 obj These coastal towns were involved in trade among themselves, with other towns on the rest of the Indian sea coast, and with many foreign lands. The chiefly families constituted a tiny proportion of the total population of any second-order division among the Kolis. James Campbell (1901: xii), the compiler of gazetteers for the former Bombay presidency comprising several linguistic regions, wrote about Gujarat: In no part of India are the subdivisions so minute, one of them, the Rayakval Vanias, numbering only 47 persons in 1891. %PDF-1.7 The Mehta family name was found in the USA, and the UK between 1891 and 1920. Hypergamy tended to be associated with this hierarchy. These and many other artisans, craftsmen and servants reflected the special life-style of the town. The Rajputs, in association with Kolis, Bhils, and such other castes and tribes, provide an extreme example of such castes. It is noteworthy that many of their names were based on names of places (region, town, or village): for example, Shrimali and Mewada on the Shrimal and Mewar regions in Rajasthan, Modh on Modhera town in north Gujarat, and Khedawal on Kheda town in central Gujarat. (surname) Me caste; Mer (community) Meta Qureshi; Mistri caste; Miyana (community) Modh; Motisar (caste) Multani Lohar; Muslim Wagher; Mutwa; N . It seems the highland Bhils (and possibly also other tribes) provided brides to lower Rajputs in Gujarat. The Kolis seem to have had only two divisions in every part of Gujarat: for example, Talapada (indigenous) and Pardeshi (foreign) in central Gujarat and Palia and Baria in eastern Gujarat (significantly, one considered indigenous and the other outsider). Unfortunately, such figures are not available for the last fifty years or so. The complex was provided a certain coherence and integrityin the pre- industrial time of slow communicationby a number of oral and literate traditions cultivated by cultural specialists such as priests, bards, genealogists and mythographers (see in this connection Shah and Shroff 1958). The highest stratum among the Leva Kanbi tried to maintain its position by practising polygyny and female infanticide, among other customs and institutions, as did the highest stratum among the Rajput. This does not solve the problem if there are four orders of divisions of the kind found in Gujarat. While certain first-order divisions were found mainly in towns, the population of certain other first-order divisions was dispersed in villages as well as in towns, the population of the rural and the urban sections differing from one division to another. Before publishing your articles on this site, please read the following pages: 1. Broach, Cambay and Surat were the largest, but there were also a number of smaller ones. In the meanwhile, it is important to note that there does not seem to have been any attempt to form small endogamous units (ekdas, gols) at any level among the Rajputs unlike attempts made as we shall see, among some other hypergamous castes in Gujarat. The Kolis in such an area may not even be concerned about a second-order divisional name and may be known simply as Kolis. Thus, at one end, there were first-order divisions, each of which was sub-divided up to the fourth-order, and at the other end there were first-order divisions which were not further divided at all. In central Gujarat, at least from about the middle of the 18th century, the population of the wealthy and powerful Patidar section of the Kanbis also lived in townsan extremely interesting development of rich villages into towns, which I will not describe here. In other words, it did not involve a big jump from one place to another distant place. The urban community included a large number of caste groups as well as social groups of other kinds which tended to be like communities with a great deal of internal cohesion. Koli Patels are recognised as a Other Backward Class caste by Government of Gujarat. So in this way, the Maharashtra caste list is given to all cast Aarakshan belonging to the Scheduled Castes category for the state of MH. Since the beginning of the modern reform movement to encourage inter-caste marriages-most of which are in fact inter-tad or inter-ekda marriagesthe old process of fission into ekdas and tads has come to a halt, and it is, therefore, difficult to understand this process without making a systematic historical enquiry. Frequently, each such unit had a patron deity, housed in a large shrine, with elaborate arrangements for its ownership. According to the Rajputs I know in central Gujarat, the highest stratum among them consisted of the royal families of large and powerful kingdoms in Gujarat and neighbouring Rajasthan, such as those of Bhavnagar, Jamnagar, Kachchh, Porbandar, Bikaner, Idar, Jaipur, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, Udaipur, and so on. To whichever of the four orders a caste division belonged, its horizontal spread rarely, if ever, coincided with that of another. For example, among the Vanias the most general rule was that a marriage of a boy could be arranged with any girl who was bhane khapati, i.e., with whom he was permitted to have commensal relations (roti vyavahar). The same problems would arise in the reverse direction if, as many scholars have done, the term caste cluster, caste complex or caste category is used for divisions of a higher order and the term caste or jati is used for divisions of a lower order. For example, there were Khedawal Brahmans but not Khedawal Vanias, and Lad Vanias but no Lad Brahmans. For example, in a Rajput kingdom the families of the Rajput king and his nobles resided in the capital town, while the Rajput landlords and cultivators resided in villages. The degree of contravention is highest if the couple belong to two different first-order divisions. However, on the basis of the meagre information I have, I am able to make a few points. Rajput hypergamy seems to have provided an important mechanism for integration of the lower caste and tribal population into the Hindu society over the entire length and breadth of northern, western, central and even eastern India. Then there were a number of urban divisions of specialized artisans, craftsmen and servants, as for example, Sonis (gold and silver smiths), Kansaras (copper and bronze smiths), Salvis (silk weavers), Bhavsars (weavers, dyers and printers), Malis (florists), Kharadis (skilled carpenters and wood carvers), Kachhias (vegetable sellers), Darjis (tailors), Dabgars (makers of drums, saddles and such other goods involving leather), Ghanchis (oil pressers), Golas ferain and spice pounders and domestic servants), Dhobis (washermen), Chudgars (banglemakers), and Tambolis (sellers of area nuts, betel leaves, etc.). Second, there used to be intense intra-ekda politics, and tads were formed as a result of some continuing conflict among ekda leaders and over the trial of violation of ekda rules. The primarily rural and lower castes were the last to form associations and that too mainly after independence (1947). The Vanias provide an example of such castes. The error is further compounded whenalthough this is less commonthe partial, rural model of traditional caste is compared with the present urban situation, and conclusions are drawn about overall change. This account of the divisions is based on various sources, but mainly on Bombay Gazetteer (1901). Let us now return to a consideration of the first-order divisions with subdivisions going down to the third or the fourth order. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. Many of them claimed that they were Brahmans but this claim was not accepted by most established Brahmans. A large proportion, if not the whole, of the population of many of such divisions lived in towns. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. Sindhollu, Chindollu. endobj For example, among the Khadayata Vanias there are all-Khadayata associations as well as associations for the various ekdas and sometimes even for their tads (see Shah, Ragini 1978). professor melissa murray. The unit might possess some other corporate characteristics also. That Rajputs were one of the divisions, if not the only division of the first-order, not having further divisions, has already been mentioned. Similarly, the Khedawal Brahmans were divided into Baj and Bhitra, the Nagar Brahmans into Grihastha and Bhikshuk, the Anavils into Desai and Bhathela, and the Kanbis into Kanbi and Patidar. There was an emphasis on being different and separate rather than on being higher and lower. Ideally, castes as horizontal units should he discussed with the help of population figures. How many sub-divisions existed in the various divisions of the various orders is a matter of empirical investigation. In 1920 there were 2 Mehta families living in New Jersey. At the other end were castes in which the principle of division had free play and the role of the principle of hierarchy was limited. That the role of the two principles could vary at different levels within a first-order division has also been seen. Their origin myth enshrined in their caste purana also showed them to be originally non-Brahman. The arrival of the East India Company, however sounded the death knell for the Indian textile industry. We shall return later to a consideration of this problem. I shall first provide an analysis of caste in the past roughly during the middle of the 19th century, and then deal with changes in the modern times. This list may not reflect recent changes. Nor do I claim to know the whole of Gujarat. Most of the other eighty or so second-order divisions among Brahmans, however, seem to be subdivided the way the Vania second-order divisions were subdivided into third-order and fourth-order divisions. There were similar problems about the status of a number of other divisions. When divisions are found within a jati, the word sub-jati or sub-caste is used. Some ekdas did come into existence in almost the same way as did the tads, that is to say, by a process of fission of one ekda into two or more ekdas. To illustrate, among the Khadayata or Modh Vanias, an increasing number of marriages take place between two or more tads within an ekda. While we can find historical information about the formation of ekdas and tads there are only myths about the formation of the numerous second-order divisions. It is not easy to find out if the tads became ekdas in course of time and if the process of formation of ekdas was the same as that of the formation of tads. Usually, the affairs of the caste were discussed in large congregations of some fifty to hundred or even more villages from time to time. It is easy to understand that the pattern of change would be different in those first-order divisions (such as Rajput) or second-order divisions (such as Leva Kanbi) which did not have within them subdivisions of lower orders and which practised hypergamy extensively. They had an internal hierarchy similar to that of the Leva Kanbis, with tax-farmers and big landlords at the top and small landowners at the bottom. Roughly, while in the plains area villages are nucleated settlements, populated by numerous castes, in the highland area villages are dispersed settlements, populated by tribes and castes of tribal origin. There was not only no pyramid type of arrangement among the many ekdas in a second-order Vania divisionthe type of arrangement found in the Rajput, Leva Kanbi, Anavil and Khedawal divisions-but frequently there was no significant sign of hierarchical relation, except boastful talk, between two neighbouring ekdas. So instead of a great exporter of finished products, India became an importer of British, while its share of world export fell from 27% to two percent. He does not give importance to this possibility probably because, as he goes on to state, what is sought here is a universal formula, a rule without exceptions (ibid.). Jun 12, 2022. I know some ekdas, and tads composed of only 150 to 200 households. In any case, the population of any large caste was found in many kingdoms. All the small towns sections in each of the ekdas resented that, while the large town section accepted brides from small towns, they did not reciprocate. They wrote about the traditional Indian village, but not about the traditional Indian town. But there was also another process. While almost all the social structures and institutions which existed in villagesreligion, caste, family, and so onalso existed in towns, we should not assume that their character was the same. Weaving and cloth trading communities of Western India particularly of Gujarat are called Vankar/Wankar/Vaniya. Gujarati migrations to the nearby metropolis of Bombay the first new centre of administration, industry, commerce, education, and western culture, followed the same links. The weavers were forced into selling exclusively to the British at extremely low rates, pushing them into poverty. Co-residence of people, belonging to two or more divisions of a lower order within a higher order was, however, a prominent feature of towns and cities rather than of villages. The main aim of this paper is to discuss, on the basis of data derived mainly from Gujarat, these and other problems connected with the horizontal dimension of caste. Far from it, I am only suggesting that its role had certain limitations and that the principle of division was also an important and competing principle. The patterns of change in marriage and in caste associations are two of the many indications of the growing significance of the principle of division (or separation or difference) in caste in urban areas in Gujarat. I am dealing here only with certain typical situations. In some other cases, mainly of urban artisans, craftsmen and specialized servants, such as Kansaras (copper and bronze smiths), Salvis (silk weavers), Kharadis (skilled carpenters and wood carvers), Chudgars (bangle-makers) and Vahivanchas genealogists and mythographers), the small populations were so small and confined to so few towns that they had few subdivisions and the boundaries of their horizontal units were fairly easy to define. Among the first-order divisions with subdivisions going down to the fourth order, there are associations for divisions of all the orders. Besides the myths, the members of a second-order division, belonging to all ekdas, shared certain customs and institutions, including worship of a tutelary deity. The method is to remove first the barriers of the divisions of the lowest order and then gradually those of one higher order after another. The Brahmans and Vanias seem to have had the largest number of divisions as mentioned earlier, about eighty in the former and about forty in the latter. Caste divisions of the first-order can be classified broadly into three categories. Report a Violation, Caste Stratification: Changing Rural Caste Stratification, Caste in Rural India: Specificities of Caste in Rural Society. At one end there were castes in which the principle of hierarchy had free play and the role of the principle of division was limited. Any one small caste may look insignificant in itself but all small castes put together become a large social block and a significant social phenomenon. Systematic because castes exist and are like each other in being different (298). In central Gujarat, for example, one and the same division, freely arranging marriages within it, was known by several names such as Baraiya, Dharala, Khant, Kotwal, Pagi, Patelia, Talapada, Thakarada, and Thakor. The degree of contravention involved in an inter-divisional marriage, however, depends upon the order (i.e., first-order, second-order, etc.) Moreover, a single division belonging to any one of the orders may have more than one association, and an association may be uni-purpose or multi-purpose. This surname is most commonly held in India, where it is held by 2,496 people, or 1 in 307,318. Among the Kanbis, while there was hypergamy within the Leva division and possibly, similar hypergamy within the Kadva division, there was no hierarchy or hypergamy between the two second-order divisions. In India Limbachiya is most frequent in: Maharashtra, where 70 percent reside, Gujarat . Dowry not only continues to be a symbol of status in the new hierarchy but is gradually replacing bride price wherever it existed, and dowry amounts are now reaching astronomical heights. A few examples are: Brahman (priest), Vania (trader), Rajput (warrior and ruler), Kanbi (peasant), Koli (peasant), Kathi (peasant), Soni goldsmith), Suthar (carpenter), Valand (barber), Chamar (leatherworker), Dhed (weaver) and Bhangi (scavenger). Marco Polo a Venetian merchant on his visit to India in 13th century Gujarat observed that "brocading art of Gujarat weavers is par excellent". Secondly, it is necessary to study intensively the pattern of inter-caste relations in urban centres as something differentat least hypotheticallyfrom the pattern in villages. If this rule was violated, i.e., if he married a girl with whom the Vanias did not have commensal relations, the maximum punishment, namely, excommunication, was imposed. As Ghurye pointed out long ago, slow consolidation of the smaller castes into larger ones would lead to three or four large groups being solidly organized for pushing the interests of each even at the cost of the others. Caste associations in Gujarat were formed mainly among upper castes to provide welfare (including recreation), to promote modern education, and to bring about reforms in caste customs. It will readily be agreed that the sociological study of Indian towns and cities has not made as much progress as has the study of Indian villages.
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